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The Devil’s Footprints of 1855 – How the 100-Mile Story Was Built

In February 1855, Devon (UK) woke to neat, hoof-like marks in fresh snow. Local reports contradicted one another. The national press imposed a single picture. We test the record and find a composite of animals, weather, and human theatre.

Snow-covered Devon countryside at dawn in the 1850s, with a single line of hoof-like footprints

In February 1855 national newspapers told the country that a single creature had walked one hundred miles across Devon in one winter night. A parish vicar in Clyst St George had a bundle of drawings in his desk that proved the prints were not even the same shape from village to village. He marked his draft letter to the Illustrated London News ‘not for publication’ and put it away.

Glossary

  • Cloven hoof: a split-toed foot of the kind found on sheep, goats and pigs. The shape most commonly associated in folklore with the devil.
  • Freeze-thaw cycle: a stretch of weather where snow melts slightly during the day and refreezes overnight, smudging small footprints into larger, oddly shaped marks.
  • Menagerie: a private collection of exotic animals kept by a wealthy individual in the Victorian period. The rough equivalent of a small private zoo.

The Morning of 9 February

Heavy snow fell across East and South Devon on the night of 8 to 9 February 1855. By morning, unusual marks had appeared in the snow across more than thirty disconnected locations, from Exmouth and Topsham to Dawlish, Teignmouth, Totnes and Torquay. A couple of sightings also turned up across the county border in Dorset.

The weather that night did most of the work. Heavy snow fell around midnight, a slight thaw followed, then rain, then a refreeze. Small clustered prints, the kind cats and rodents leave, melted into each other and froze again into larger, hoof-shaped lumps. The tenant at Aller Farm in Dawlish noticed this immediately. He pointed out that the freeze-thaw cycle had turned ordinary cat pawprints in his yard into strange compound shapes. That observation made it into the local record on the very first day.

In Clyst St George, Reverend H. T. Ellacombe began gathering tracings and notes from his parishioners. He was the only figure on the ground in February 1855 building a systematic archive of the actual prints as they appeared in different villages.

What he wrote down does not match what the papers later printed. His notes record prints that took different shapes in different villages, some cloven, others continuous and concave like donkey shoes. In several villages he also noted what looked like the brushing of bird wings in the snow next to the tracks.

Nobody else collected this raw data at the time.

How the Snow Made the Prints

Stage 1 / Around Midnight, 8 February

Heavy snow falls across East and South Devon. Small animals (cats, rodents, birds) leave clustered prints in the fresh snow.

Stage 2 / Early Hours

A slight thaw follows. The edges of the original prints melt and run together, blurring the small individual shapes.

Stage 3 / Pre-Dawn

Rain falls on the partially melted prints, filling the depressions with water.

Stage 4 / Dawn, 9 February

Temperatures drop again. The water refreezes, locking the melted-together prints into larger, hoof-shaped lumps.

Stage 5 / Morning Discovery

Villagers wake to find what look like cloven hoof tracks across more than thirty disconnected locations, from Exmouth and Topsham to Dawlish, Teignmouth, Totnes and Torquay. The tenant at Aller Farm in Dawlish identifies the same effect in his own yard on the first day.

Reverend H. T. Ellacombe Parish Archive, Clyst St George (collected February 1855); Aller Farm contemporary observation, Dawlish.

Musgrave’s First Deliberate Plant

On 11 February, two days after the prints first appeared, Reverend G. M. Musgrave climbed the pulpit at Lympstone Church and told his congregation the tracks had probably been made by a kangaroo. It was the first time the kangaroo theory entered the public record.

Musgrave was vicar of Withycombe Raleigh, not Lympstone, so he was preaching outside his own parish.

The story he gave was specific. A couple of kangaroos, he said, had escaped from the private menagerie of a ‘Mr. Fische’ at Sidmouth, and their bounding gait would explain the strange single-file spacing of the tracks. The naming of both an owner and a town gave the claim the weight it needed to travel into the national press.

But then.

In private correspondence later that year, Musgrave admitted in his own words that he had never checked whether the kangaroos had escaped at all. He wrote that he had no idea how a kangaroo could have crossed the Exe Estuary to leave prints on both sides. In writing he confirmed he had used the story to break a real panic: Devon schools had closed, his parishioners were dreading to leave their homes after sunset, and armed villagers were patrolling the woods at night looking for Satan. That confession survives only as his own private admission, not as a finding by any formal inquiry.

The Lympstone Sermon vs The Private Letter

Subject Public position (11 February 1855) Private position (later in 1855)
The kangaroos Escaped from the private menagerie of a 'Mr. Fische' at Sidmouth. Never checked whether they had escaped at all.
The route Their bounding gait explained the single-file spacing of the prints. No idea how a kangaroo could have crossed the Exe Estuary to leave prints on both sides.
Stated reason An explanation from natural history. A story used to break a real panic: schools had closed, parishioners were dreading sunset, and armed villagers were patrolling the woods at night.
Position held Vicar of Withycombe Raleigh, preaching outside his own parish at Lympstone Church. The admission survives only in his own private correspondence, not as a finding by any formal inquiry.
Lympstone Church sermon (11 February 1855); private correspondence of Reverend G. M. Musgrave (1855), preserved within the Ellacombe Parish Archive (recovered 1952).

How the London Press Built the Mystery

On 16 February 1855, six days after the prints first appeared, The Times ran a piece under the headline ‘EXTRAORDINARY OCCURRENCE’. The article reported the vast number of foot-tracks and noted that superstitious locals believed them to be the marks of Satan. In a single edition, the story moved from local oddity to national sensation.

Three weeks later, on 3 March, the Illustrated London News followed with eyewitness summaries from country estates like Mamhead and Powderham Castle. The paper presented these as points along a single trail.

The most influential letters driving the panic had been written by an anonymous correspondent signing himself ‘South Devon’. Reverend Ellacombe later identified this writer, in his private notes, as a 19-year-old local man named William D’Urban. D’Urban’s letters carried the forty-to-one-hundred-mile distance figure into the national press.

The arithmetic behind that figure was wrong. The London editors took dozens of separate, localised sightings from different towns and added their distances together as though one creature had walked the whole route. They published the total as a single journey.

The illustration that ran in the Illustrated London News showed a perfectly uniform cloven hoof, four inches long by three across, spaced sixteen inches apart in a clean single file. That was a tidy editorial choice. Ellacombe’s actual tracings, sitting in his desk in Clyst St George, tell a different story. The prints he recorded took different shapes in different villages, some cloven, others continuous and concave like donkey shoes. In several places he had also marked what looked like the brushing of bird wings in the snow.

Once the unified parameters had been published, biologists tried to solve the problem the press had set them. Richard Owen suggested a badger and Frank Buckland an otter or raccoon, while the writer Geoffrey Household later raised the idea of a balloon trailing its mooring ropes. Thomas Fox, a Devon brewer, drew illustrations showing how leaping wood mice could press their limbs into the snow in clusters that mimicked cloven hoofs.

Each theory failed against at least one impossible constraint. No badger could walk one hundred miles in a night or scale a vertical wall; otters did not pass through solid haystacks; balloons did not weave through chimneys without their mooring ropes catching. The scientists were not stupid, their parameters were corrupt.

But then The Times went quiet. After 16 February 1855 the paper printed no further substantive domestic reporting on the Devon prints, and on 17 March it ran only a brief, sceptical note about similar tracks seen in Congress Poland.

No internal editorial files from that period have been recovered.

Biological Theories Against the Aggregated Press Version

Proposed origin Source of the theory What the press version required Where it failed
Badger Richard Owen One animal walking forty to one hundred miles in a single night. No badger could cover that distance or scale a vertical wall.
Otter or raccoon Frank Buckland One animal passing through solid haystacks along the route. Neither species walks through hay.
Kangaroos from Sidmouth Reverend G. M. Musgrave Animals crossing the Exe Estuary to leave prints on both sides. Musgrave himself privately admitted he had no idea how they would have crossed it.
Escaped balloon trailing mooring ropes Geoffrey Household A single line of prints weaving through chimneys without snagging. Mooring ropes would catch on the first obstruction.
Leaping wood mice Thomas Fox Identical sixteen-inch-spaced prints across the whole county in one night. Wood mice cluster locally; they do not produce a uniform one-hundred-mile trail.

The scientists were not at fault. The parameters they were working from had been built by London editors pooling separate localised sightings into a single journey.

Illustrated London News (16 February to 17 March 1855); The Times (16 February 1855); collated in Dash, M., 'The Devil's Hoofmarks', Fortean Studies (1994).

Ellacombe Stands Down

While the London press was building its single-trail narrative, Reverend Ellacombe was at his desk in Clyst St George writing a careful corrective. He drafted a long letter to the Illustrated London News laying out his tracings and his fieldwork.

The letter never went out.

The draft that survives, recovered from his church office almost a century later, carries a bold note across the top: ‘not for publication’. One later academic paper attributes the marking to Reverend Musgrave instead, but the larger archival tradition, including Mike Dash’s 1994 synthesis, attributes it to Ellacombe himself, and that attribution is followed here.

Meanwhile the Illustrated London News was filling its columns with anyone who would write in. Correspondents proposed devils, escaped monkeys, untethered balloons drifting up from the naval yard at Devonport, and outright supernatural visitation. The grounded, varied tracings sitting in a Devon vicarage were never sent to balance any of it. That silence had its largest cost on 17 March 1855. On that date the Illustrated London News printed a letter from Reverend Musgrave repeating his Sidmouth kangaroo theory at the national level. With Ellacombe silent, no parish vicar with raw data was in the paper to push back against another parish vicar with a fabricated one.

No documented motive survives for why Ellacombe held the letter back. His own files do not explain it. The decision was his alone; the moment was when the panic peaked; and the gap in his own correspondence is exactly the missing piece.

The Letter That Never Left Clyst St George

Step 1 / February 1855

Ellacombe gathers tracings and parishioner notes from villages across East and South Devon, building the only contemporaneous on-the-ground archive of the actual prints.

Step 2 / February to March 1855

Ellacombe drafts a long corrective letter to the Illustrated London News, laying out his tracings and his fieldwork, including the varied shapes (cloven, donkey-shoe, and bird-wing brushings) recorded in different villages.

Step 3 / Decision Point

The draft is marked 'not for publication' at the top and filed away. No documented motive survives in Ellacombe's own files. The decision was his alone, and the moment was when the panic peaked.

Step 4 / 17 March 1855

The Illustrated London News prints Reverend Musgrave's letter promoting the Sidmouth kangaroo theory at the national level. With Ellacombe silent, no parish vicar with raw data is in print to push back against another parish vicar with a fabricated one.

Step 5 / 1952, Almost a Century Later

Major Antony Gibbs finds the draft still sitting in the Clyst St George church office. The 'not for publication' annotation is intact. One later academic paper attributes the marking to Musgrave instead; the larger archival tradition, including Mike Dash's 1994 synthesis, attributes it to Ellacombe himself.

Draft letter of Reverend H. T. Ellacombe to the Illustrated London News (February to March 1855); Illustrated London News (17 March 1855); Ellacombe Parish Archive (recovered 1952).

The Bundle Recovered in 1952

In 1950 the Transactions of the Devonshire Association published an article asking for further information about the 1855 event. Almost a century had passed and nobody had cross-checked the parish records against the newspaper story. A local historian, Major Antony Gibbs, took the prompt and went looking.

Two years later Gibbs found Ellacombe’s bundle of notes gathering dust in a church office in Clyst St George. In 1994 the researcher Mike Dash published ‘The Devil’s Hoofmarks: Source Material on the Great Devon Mystery of 1855’ in Fortean Studies, finally putting the recovered archive into print and walking through the varied natural origins of the prints across the different villages.

A modern footnote arrived on 12 March 2009. Jill Wade of Woolsery in North Devon woke up to find hoof-like marks across her snow-covered garden. Biologists examined the prints and concluded they were most likely made by a rabbit or a hare.

Nobody has yet explained who looked after Ellacombe’s bundle in that church office between his death and Major Gibbs’s visit.

The Long Correction, 1855 to 2009

  • 8 to 9 February 1855

    Original sightings

    Hoof-like marks appear in the snow across more than thirty disconnected locations in East and South Devon, with a small number across the county border in Dorset.

  • 11 February 1855

    The Lympstone sermon

    Reverend G. M. Musgrave preaches the kangaroo theory from a pulpit outside his own parish, naming 'Mr. Fische' of Sidmouth as the owner of the escaped animals.

  • 16 February 1855

    The Times prints 'EXTRAORDINARY OCCURRENCE'

    The story moves from local oddity to national sensation in a single edition. The Times prints no further substantive domestic reporting after this date.

  • 3 March 1855

    Illustrated London News illustration

    The paper prints a uniform cloven hoof, four inches by three, sixteen inches apart in single file, discarding the varied shapes Ellacombe had recorded.

  • 17 March 1855

    Musgrave's national letter runs unopposed

    Ellacombe's draft sits in his desk marked 'not for publication'. Musgrave's Sidmouth kangaroo theory enters the national press without a counter from the only vicar with raw tracings.

  • 1950

    Devonshire Association query

    Transactions of the Devonshire Association publishes a request for further information about the 1855 event, almost a century after the prints first appeared.

  • 1952

    Gibbs recovers the bundle

    Local historian Major Antony Gibbs finds Ellacombe's notes gathering dust in a Clyst St George church office.

  • 1994

    Dash synthesis published

    Mike Dash publishes 'The Devil's Hoofmarks: Source Material on the Great Devon Mystery of 1855' in Fortean Studies, putting the recovered archive into print and walking through the varied natural origins of the prints.

  • 12 March 2009

    Woolsery recurrence

    Jill Wade of Woolsery in North Devon finds hoof-like marks across her snow-covered garden. Biologists conclude they were most likely made by a rabbit or a hare.

Transactions of the Devonshire Association (1950); Dash, M., 'The Devil's Hoofmarks', Fortean Studies (1994); DevonLive (12 March 2009).

Source

Sources include: the Reverend H. T. Ellacombe Parish Archive from Clyst St George (collected February 1855, recovered 1952); private correspondence of Reverend G. M. Musgrave (1855), preserved within the same archive; contemporary press coverage in ‘The Times’ (16 February 1855) and the ‘Illustrated London News’ (16 February to 17 March 1855); the 1950 query published in ‘Transactions of the Devonshire Association’; Dash, M., ‘The Devil’s Hoofmarks: Source Material on the Great Devon Mystery of 1855’, ‘Fortean Studies’ (1994); and ‘DevonLive’ reporting on the Woolsery print recurrence (12 March 2009).

Claim-Source Matrix

Core Finding Primary Source Document Status
Hoof-like marks appeared in snow across more than thirty disconnected Devon locations on the morning of 9 February 1855. Reverend H. T. Ellacombe Parish Archive, Clyst St George (collected February 1855). Confirmed.
A freeze-thaw weather sequence on the night of 8 to 9 February turned small clustered prints into larger hoof-shaped lumps. Aller Farm contemporary observation, Dawlish (February 1855); Ellacombe Parish Archive. Confirmed.
Ellacombe's tracings record varied shapes (cloven, donkey-shoe, and bird-wing brushings in the snow nearby), not the uniform print printed in the press. Reverend H. T. Ellacombe Parish Archive (recovered 1952). Confirmed.
Reverend G. M. Musgrave preached the Sidmouth kangaroo theory at Lympstone Church on 11 February 1855, outside his own parish of Withycombe Raleigh. Lympstone Church sermon record (11 February 1855); Ellacombe Parish Archive. Confirmed.
Musgrave later admitted in private correspondence that he never verified the kangaroo escape and had no idea how the animals would have crossed the Exe Estuary. Private correspondence of Reverend G. M. Musgrave (1855), Ellacombe Parish Archive. Confirmed as a private admission only, not a formal inquiry finding.
The forty-to-one-hundred-mile distance figure was built by pooling separate localised sightings into a single journey. The Times (16 February 1855); Illustrated London News (3 March 1855); collated in Dash, M., 'The Devil's Hoofmarks', Fortean Studies (1994). Confirmed.
Anonymous correspondent 'South Devon', driving the distance figure, was later identified in Ellacombe's private notes as the 19-year-old William D'Urban. Reverend H. T. Ellacombe private notes, Ellacombe Parish Archive. Confirmed by Ellacombe's identification only.
Ellacombe's draft corrective letter to the Illustrated London News was marked 'not for publication' and held back. Draft letter of Reverend H. T. Ellacombe to the Illustrated London News (1855), Ellacombe Parish Archive. Confirmed. One later academic paper attributes the marking to Musgrave instead; the larger archival tradition attributes it to Ellacombe.
Major Antony Gibbs recovered the Ellacombe bundle from a Clyst St George church office in 1952, following a 1950 query in the Transactions of the Devonshire Association. Transactions of the Devonshire Association (1950); local historian's account (1952). Confirmed.
Mike Dash published the recovered material as 'The Devil's Hoofmarks: Source Material on the Great Devon Mystery of 1855' in Fortean Studies in 1994. Dash, M., 'The Devil's Hoofmarks', Fortean Studies (1994). Confirmed.
On 12 March 2009, hoof-like marks in Jill Wade's snow-covered garden in Woolsery, North Devon, were identified by biologists as most likely made by a rabbit or a hare. DevonLive (12 March 2009). Confirmed.

What We Still Do Not Know

  • Whether Mr. Fische and his Sidmouth menagerie ever existed, or whether Musgrave invented both.
  • Who first arrived at the forty-to-one-hundred-mile distance figure: William D'Urban writing as 'South Devon', or a London editor pooling the local reports.
  • Why Ellacombe marked his draft 'not for publication' and stood down at the moment the panic peaked.
  • Why The Times dropped the domestic story after 16 February 1855 and retreated to a brief 17 March note on similar tracks in Congress Poland.
  • What the Dawlish hunting parties actually cornered in the woods when their hounds reportedly retreated in fear.
  • Who handled Ellacombe's bundle in the Clyst St George church office between 1855 and Gibbs's 1952 recovery.
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